7.2 Emotions and Cultural Display

As you might expect (after reading about the components of emotion), people tend to respond similarly regarding physiological (or bodily) expression. Additionally, our ability to recognize and produce facial expressions of emotion appears universal. Research conducted with individuals born blind found that the same facial expressions of emotions were produced (e.g., smiling when happy, frowning when sad), despite these individuals never having the opportunity to observe these facial displays of emotion in other people. This suggests that facial muscle movements generating emotional expressions are universal and not the result of learned behavior. Charles Darwin’s book The Expression of Emotions in Man and Animals (1872) highlighted the similar morphology in the facial expressions of non-human primates like chimpanzees and orangutans compared to human facial expressions. This foundational work paved the way for extensive research into the universality of emotional expression.

There is substantial evidence for seven universal emotions, each associated with distinct facial expressions. These include: (Ekman & Keltner, 1997).

• Happiness
• Surprise
• Sadness
• Fright
• Disgust
• Contempt
• Anger (Ekman & Keltner, 1997).

Ekman and Friesen (1972) conducted one of the first scientific studies of emotion, raising essential questions about the role of culture in shaping universal components of emotion. Ekman and Friesen took photos of people posing with these different expressions and showed these pictures to individuals from diverse cultures. Participants were given a list of emotion words (translated into their native languages) and asked to match the facial expressions in the photos with the corresponding emotion words on the list (Ekman & Friesen, 1971; Ekman et al., 1987).

Paul Ekman 1 of 5 Do We All Have the Same Basic Emotions? (YouTube)

Are There Universal Expressions of Emotion? (YouTube)

Across cultures, participants matched each picture to the same emotion word at levels greater than chance. This led Ekman and his colleagues to conclude that there are universally recognized emotional facial expressions. For example, a smile was overwhelmingly associated with happiness, while a wrinkled nose was linked to disgust. However, Ekman and Friesen also found considerable variability across cultures in recognition rates. For instance, 95% of participants in the United States associated a smile with happiness, but only 69% of Sumatran participants made the same association. Similarly, 86% of participants in the United States linked a wrinkled nose with disgust, but only 60% of Japanese participants did the same (Ekman et al., 1987). These variations demonstrate cultural differences in how people display or interpret emotions, a phenomenon explained by cultural display rules.

More recent studies provide a counterpoint to Ekman’s theory. Gendron et al. (2012) emphasize the role of cultural and linguistic context in emotion perception, arguing that emotion words are crucial in shaping how emotions are perceived. This experiment suggests that language influences the perceptual encoding of emotions and, therefore, is not entirely universal since it is influenced by language and culture. Another notable critique by Gendron et al. (2015) argued that facial expressions are not biologically hardwired but rather shaped by cultural and contextual factors. They conducted two experiments with the Himba cultural group in Namibia to investigate emotion perception. Participants were asked to label vocalizations and match them to emotional stories. Himba participants could distinguish vocalizations based on valence (positivity or negativity) but not specific emotion categories like anger or fear. This suggests that emotions are not universally perceived in the same way across different cultures. The authors used both free-labeling and forced-choice procedures to assess emotion perception. Free-labeling allowed participants to label emotions spontaneously, revealing cultural differences in emotion perception. The authors critique Ekman and others for potentially teaching Western emotion categories to participants before testing, which could bias results towards finding universality. Ekman acknowledged cultural differences in display rules (cultural norms about when and how emotions are expressed) but maintained that the basic emotions themselves are universally recognized. Gendron et al. argue that emotion perception is not universal and is significantly influenced by cultural context and learning.

Cultural display rules are culturally specific standards that govern the type and frequency of emotional displays that are socially acceptable (Malatesta & Haviland, 1982). For instance, in the United States, it is common to hear the phrase “big boys don’t cry,” reflecting a societal norm that discourages emotional vulnerability in men. Similarly, people often laugh at a boss’s jokes, even when they are not genuinely funny, to adhere to professional decorum.

A more recent study examined physiological responses and facial expressions, revealing that while physiological responses to emotions are largely consistent across cultures, facial expressions differ. Tsai, Chentsova-Dutton, Freire-Bebeau, and Przymus (2002) conducted a study involving European American and Hmong American participants, asking them to relive emotional episodes (e.g., loss, happiness). Responses were similar across groups at the physiological level (e.g., heart rate). However, European Americans smiled more frequently and intensely during positive emotional experiences than their Hmong counterparts, despite both groups reporting similar happiness levels. These findings indicate that while the internal experience of emotion may be universal, the external expression of emotion is shaped by cultural norms.

Cultural differences in emotional expression are further illustrated in studies comparing European Americans and Chinese Americans during emotion-eliciting tasks. European Americans tend to display emotions more openly, while Chinese Americans, influenced by collectivist cultural norms, are more likely to suppress their expressions to maintain group harmony (Tsai et al., 2002; Tsai, Levenson, & McCoy, 2006). In many Asian cultures, children are taught to mute negative emotions, such as anger, to preserve social harmony.

Culture shapes how emotions are expressed and how they are experienced. For example, in the United States, it is acceptable to express negative emotions like fear, anger, and disgust both alone and in the presence of others. In contrast, Japanese individuals are more likely to express such emotions only when alone (Matsumoto, 1990). Furthermore, individuals from collectivist cultures are more likely to suppress emotional reactions to evaluate the most contextually appropriate response, demonstrating an adaptive mechanism for maintaining social harmony (Matsumoto, Yoo, & Nakagawa, 2008).

Recent research has also highlighted cultural differences in emotion perception. While individuals from the United States tend to focus on the mouth when interpreting emotions, Japanese individuals are more likely to focus on the eyes, reflecting different cultural emphases on emotional subtleties (Masuda et al., 2008; Yuki, Maddux, & Matsuda, 2007). Despite these differences, there is a distinct in-group advantage: individuals are better at recognizing emotions expressed by members of their own culture than those from other cultures. This advantage highlights how culturally moderated emotions facilitate socially appropriate behaviors and minimize miscommunication.

Science Today: Facial Expressions (YouTube)

Matsumoto (2018) argued that group functioning and societal cohesion would be severely compromised without culturally defined display rules. By regulating emotional expressions in contextually appropriate ways, display rules enable individuals to navigate complex social landscapes effectively, ensuring the common good and, ultimately, human survival.

Want to learn more about where our emotions come from and how we interpret them in ourselves and others? Listen to this fascinating episode of The Hidden Brain: Where Do Feelings Come From?

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